Since the Bush administration is planning to systematically degrade the reputation of elite liberal arts colleges, and since it’s set to ban historical interpretation outright—at the high school level, for now—I thought I’d pause for a minute on the subject of historical interpretation this fine afternoon.
I’ve been rereading John Locke. Now, certain crazies to whom I am relucant to link directly have been lately mucking about with the history of the constitution, and so forth. One University-employed religious revisionist writes this, for example:
Our nation’s forefathers declared that the government of the United States of America was instituted to secure certain unalienable rights bestowed on us by our Creator. At the present juncture, these rights are under widespread and unrelenting attack as a consequence of the denial of God throughout society and the abandonment of public life by most Christians. To restore the fullest expression of these rights in society and in our public institutions is therefore a critical duty for all Christian citizens of our nation.
Our effectiveness in this restoration rests first and foremost on the recognition of the sovereignty of God the Creator. The concept of inalienable rights may be traced through Samual Adams, John Locke, and others, to an origin in Holy Scripture. God has created us and we are His.
Would this count as “an interpretation”? The author of this piece has taken a break from showing how the evolutionary record demonstrates various biblical truths, to here explaining how John Locke was an apologist for theocratic theories of government.
Of course this position isn’t likely to be very persusaive to anyone who’s read much Locke. In his “Letter Concernting Toleration,” Locke comes as close as anywhere else to expressing his concept of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness in same words used by the framers of the US Constitution. Note the context and significance of these words as they appear in Locke’s Letter:
I esteem it above all things necessary to distinguish exactly the business of civil government from that of religion and to settle the just bounds that lie between the one and the other. If this be not done, there can be no end put to the controversies that will be always arising between those that have, or at least pretend to have, on the one side, a concernment for the interest of men’s souls, and, on the other side, a care of the commonwealth.
The commonwealth seems to me to be a society of men constituted only for the procuring, preserving, and advancing their own civil interests.
Civil interests I call life, liberty, health, and indolency of body; and the possession of outward things, such as money, lands, houses, furniture, and the like.
It is the duty of the civil magistrate, by the impartial execution of equal laws, to secure unto all the people in general and to every one of his subjects in particular the just possession of these things belonging to this life. If anyone presume to violate the laws of public justice and equity, established for the preservation of those things, his presumption is to be checked by the fear of punishment, consisting of the deprivation or diminution of those civil interests, or goods, which otherwise he might and ought to enjoy. But seeing no man does willingly suffer himself to be punished by the deprivation of any part of his goods, and much less of his liberty or life, therefore, is the magistrate armed with the force and strength of all his subjects, in order to the punishment of those that violate any other man’s rights.
Now that the whole jurisdiction of the magistrate reaches only to these civil concernments, and that all civil power, right and dominion, is bounded and confined to the only care of promoting these things; and that it neither can nor ought in any manner to be extended to the salvation of souls, these following considerations seem unto me abundantly to demonstrate.
So when fundamentalists seize upon the phrase “endowed by his creator” or similar phrases to suggest that neither the declaration nor the constitution establishes a separation of church and state, they ignore the historical significance of the rights listed in the declaration—which is precisely to distinguish between matters that concern civil government and those that concern matters of religion.