Last Wednesday, I was fortunate to have lunch with Sarah in the Ball Room over at the Illini Union–which is a fine place for a quick if somewhat institutional lunch during the week. Outside, on the quadrangle the Orange and Blue Observer was holding a “Conservative Coming Out Day” and raffling off some kind of firearm. Though I’m not sure (I left early), I can only presume that the firearm was given to some frightened conservative about to emerge from “the closet,” so that this person could might fight off tenured radicals and brainwashed liberal students thronging and corrupting campus, at the expense of the real world.
The Orange and Blue Observer is generally a bad paper, of course, and ideologically very conservative, to put it nicely. But I do have a soft spot for it. Its current issue includes a spot-on article about how UI students are now unconstitutionally prohibited from running for student government together as a slate of candidates. I’m glad (and surprised, frankly) that somebody was paying attention enough to notice this.
A second (little-known) thing is that I was once a contributor to the Observer myself. As a conservative freshman (who’d never read The Observer), I was asked by a friend of mine if I wanted to write for the paper. I said sure, and turned in a reflection on a speaker on African cultural identity in the U.S. Since my article was, I think, entirely approving of this pretty uncontroversial talk given at the YMCA, my piece was never published. And so, aside from this blog, there is now no traceable connection between me and this august publication.
But the Observer rally isn’t the only thing that’s been causing me to lately reconsider my high school conservatism, which was always kind of schizophrenic. A Catholic Eagle Scout and avid player of Dungeons and Dragons, my two living political heroes were Mikhail Gorbachev and Republican presidential candidate Jack Kemp. And odd combination–but not as odd as one might think. What attracted me to Kemp was his conviction that markets could be used intelligently–he was the always the most prominent advocate around of “enterprise zones,” for example, that would put the power of markets to use–bringing jobs to areas that needed them. In exchange for tax breaks and other incentives, companies would be required to locate in areas that needed development, and (as I recall) to pay a living wage to their workers.
Now, to me, it’s interesting and a bit surprising that the promoters of such projects have always been Republican. After-all the “enterprise zone” idea is one that seeks to use markets without subscribing to the illusion that only markets “free” of social planning or control are approveable.
So when I see Rush Limbaugh, for example, Writing of Katrina that, “We Can Make This a Category 5 Hurricane Destruction of the Left†by rebuilding in the aftermath with enterprise zones, I get a little confused and annoyed. Because, actually, I think enterprise zones are a good idea. The problem is that when he refers to EZ’s, he means the Republican version, which as the always insightful Naomi Klein observes, amounts to little more than a transfer of wealth to those who are already the primary owners of the American “ownership society.”
But would EZ’s need to be regressive? If so, I don’t see why. And since watching Klein’s “The Take”, I’ve been thinking now and again about post-capitalist economic models. One that’s interesting is provided by David Schweickart’s writings on “Market Socialism” or “economic democracy.” Schweicart writes:
If one looks at the works of the major apologists for capitalism, Milton Friedman, for example, or F. A. Hayek, one finds the focus of the apology always on the virtues of the market and on the vices of central planning. Rhetorically this is an effective strategy, for it is much easier to defend the market than to defend the other two defining institutions of capitalism. Proponents of capitalism know well that it is better to keep attention directed toward the market and away from wage labor or private ownership of the means of production.
One might object that wage labor and private ownership of the means of production are both entailed by the operation of markets. But, I’d say, not necessarily. Kemp’s notion of enterprise zones assumes that markets can be used within a more democratic framework (and in the 80’s Gorbachev was pushing towards a similar configuration from the opposite direction).
In the end, my suggestion is that there’s good reason for Democrats, progressives, and even socialists to present their own versions of “enterprise zones,” as an alternative to the rapacious ones dreamed up by Republicans. Perhaps new terminology is needed, but I don’t think there’s a reason for the left to continue to simply ignore the idea of market intervention to address social problems. Not ’til after the revolution comes, anyhow.