The University of Illinois (including its campuses in Chicago, Urbana, and Springfield) is run by a nine-member Board of Trustees. Right now the BOT is meeting–probably in Chicago. You could probably find out where by calling their office, but the location isn’t posted on their website, as far as I can tell.
They’ll be discussing a host of issues, including whether to retain “Chief Illiniwek,” which they prefer to think of as a dancing symbol, rather than a “mascot.”
The UI BOT has changed a great deal in the last decade or so, mostly as a result of the efforts of former UI President Stanley Ikenberry. For 115 years, residents of Illinois voted to elect trustees to the UI Board, until in 1995 Ikenberry helped the Republican-controlled Illinois legislature abolish the democratic election of UI trustees. So the ballot machine you see on the left is a historical curiosity.
Thus a BOT that in the early 90’s had begun to escape the traditional control of the UI alumni association, and had pressed the UI to endorse some more progressive policies, was replaced with a collection of Governor George Ryan’s campaign contributors. While Ikenberry had suggested that a “blue ribbon panel” would help nominate candidates, no such panel ever materialized.
But now the Governor of Illinois is (nominally, at least) a Democrat — something inconceivable in the days of Big Jim Thompson, and even the days of the somewhat smaller Jim Edgar. So Ex-UI President Ikenberry has come up with a second plan to change, again, who controls the UI. And this one is a doozy. (Short and scary — it’s titled “Uncertain and Unplanned: the Future of Public Higher Education”–you can have a look at it here).
Having removed the right of Illinois’ voters to select UI’s trustees, Ikenberry now proposes (without mentioning his own role in producing the present method of selecting trustees) to remove this right from the Governor, too, and simply apportion trustee seats to corporations, donors, and alums, as he deems appropriate. It was in the context of the old ways that “the state held all or nearly all of the seats on the “board of directors,†or governing board.” Writes Ikenberry, but “Times have changed” (5). Ikenberry writes:
A single governor, a single legislative committee, a single party caucus, should no longer control the composition of public university governing boards. Alumni, donors, the business community, agriculture, and other segments of society should be more directly and independently represented than they are at present.
It turns out that moving to an unelected BOT was just step one. Step two is to mandate spots on the BOT for Alums, donors, the business community, and “agriculture” (which, in central Illinois, means mostly the Arthur Daniel Midland corporation).
It’s a little breath-taking, isn’t it? But there’s more. Ikenberry’s pamphlet doesn’t really make an argument as much as it repeats an assumption, which is that the great danger is in not corporatizing the university completely or rapidly enough. Failing to grant sources of private capital as much control over the university as they’d like to have, Ikenberry repeatedly implies, will result in higher tuition for undergraduates. Ikenberry argues that we must speedily embrace the new corporate university, a concept which academic and administrators must learn to champion without shame:
Corporate partnerships, economic development, the exploitation of intellectual property, and other economic development efforts must be a central and unapologetic part of any 21st century strategy for public higher education.
For Ikenberry, engaging in such partnerships requires that “the state” relinquish its control over what have traditionally been public universities, to be replaced by business interests. While UI’s motto is “Learning and Labor”–a relic of a progressive past–Ikenberry’s proposal literally excludes labor, environmental and religious groups, as well as ethnic minorities and other populations traditionally undeserved by the university, from the BOT’s table, delivering control of the university to sources of privately-held capital.
But will corporate donors push for smaller class-sizes and the retention of programs that are not beneficial to their bottom-line? Will they work to promote an atmosphere of free-exchange of knowledge, or promote secrecy and the narrow ownership of intellectual property? Can they be counted on to put the wider public good ahead of that of their shareholders? Corporate universities are a reality in the U.S. and elsewhere. The question that Ikenberry’s piece raises and answers in the negative is whether public universities should remain realities as well.